Thousands March in St. Louis Demanding Justice, End to Police Violence
Several thousand community members marched alongside activists from around the country in downtown St. Louis on Saturday as they demanded attention be paid to a national trend of police violence and called for justice in the case of Michael Brown, a local unarmed black teenager who was shot and killed by a white police officer, Darren Wilson, in the suburb of Ferguson on August 9th.
Though more than two months have now gone by, local citizens and their allies from across the country expressed anger, frustration, and sadness that so far no charges have been brought against Officer Wilson. “Arrest him now! Arrest him now!” was both a stated demand and a chanted refrain during the march.
Part of a four-day convergence that organizers have called Ferguson October, the afternoon march brought forth a mix of messages that hinged on the racial politics of policing that have been exposed in a series of high-profile and shocking examples in recent months, with the case in Ferguson being only the most well-known.
As the New York Times reports:
They came from places far from Ferguson, Mo., states like California, New York and Oregon. And while the story of a white police officer’s shooting of an unarmed black teenager in Ferguson in August was what drew throngs of people to the St. Louis area for a weekend of protest, some also came with sweeping messages about income inequality and the minimum wage, race relations, immigration policy and distrust about police procedures nationwide.
“The killing of innocent black youth is systemic,” said Adeline Bracey of Chicago, who marched here on Saturday in a crowd of demonstrators down the middle of Market Street, not far from the Gateway Arch. “It has to stop — everywhere.”
In the two months since the shooting death of Michael Brown, 18, in suburban Ferguson, a steady stream of demonstrations has often been local and personal, but the events this weekend, and expected to continue through Monday, were a test of the wider reach of efforts that have grown out of the case.
The result was a mix of races and ages. It brought a blur of signs with messages referring to the police officer who shot Mr. Brown, “Indict Darren Wilson Now,” but also broader notions, “Protest then vote.” Among an array of interests gathered: seminarians, voting rights advocates, college students and, perhaps most notably, a sizable contingent from labor unions, many wearing yellow T-shirts with the words: “Justice for all of us.”
And the St. Louis Post reports:
Saturday’s march included a large papier-mâché likeness of Michael Brown with his hands up. It’s a pose that’s become common at protests since Brown’s shooting.
Antonia Cuffee, 30, drove 13 hours from Baltimore with six others to join in the protests.
“We felt we had to come out here to be part of change,” Cuffee, a policy worker, said.
“It’s a shame so many black people are getting killed by police,” she said. “Just by the nature of being black we are targeted, we are suspect.”
The crowd was peaceful and jovial, and organizers implored them to stay that way. “We need you to show discipline and respect,” one organizer said.
Small groups came from as far away as Washington, D.C., and California to join the events.
Marlene Sinquefield and her two sisters arrived in St. Louis from Oakland, Calif., Friday night.
“There’s no way we weren’t going to come here for this,” Sinquefield said. “It matters. It’s important. When I have kids someday, I want them to know I stood up for their future.”
LaDarius Torrey, 19, a sophomore at Georgetown University in Washington, said he and his two friends came for similar reasons.
“There’s been a lot of mischaracterizations made about young black males in this country,” he said. “We need to have serious discussions on race or it could get worse. I don’t want to be next.”
Later in the night, a smaller protest marched in the Grove district of Ferguson and clashed with police officers as they attempted to stage a sit-in at a local convenience store. As police fired tear gas to disperse the grounds, several people were arrested.
As NBC News reported:
Protesters clashed with police at a St Louis gas station convenience store early Sunday, hours after a peaceful day of marches and rallies marking two monthssince the fatal police shooting of unarmed black teenager Michael Brown. A group of about 200 marched on a QT (QuikTrip) in the Grove district, where some briefly staged a sit-in. A police car was attacked, prompting at least 10 arrests, and tear gas was released to disperse the crowd.
St Louis Police Chief Sam Dotson said on Twitter to say that protesters were “throwing rocks” at officers and that arrests had been made for “continued illegal behavior.” That prompted campaigners to mock Dotson using the hashtag #tweetlikethechief.
Organizers of the four-day Ferguson October summit to protest the early August police shooting death of Michael Brown are scheduled to train participants in nonviolent civil disobedience tactics Sunday morning.
On Monday, a “direct action” led by local and visiting clergy members is planned for Ferguson and other spots in and around St. Louis. Protest leaders don’t plan to release details until shortly ahead of time to avoid tipping off law enforcement. Leaders are taking their cues from the Moral Monday demonstrations that began last year in North Carolina before spreading to several other Southern states.
“We still are knee deep in this situation,” said Kareem Jackson, a St. Louis rap artist and community organizer whose stage name is Tef Poe. “We have not packed up our bags, we have not gone home. This is not a fly-by-night moment. This is not a made-for-TV revolution. This is real people standing up to a real problem and saying, ‘We ain’t taking it no more.'”
A crowd that organizers estimated at 3,000 marched through downtown St. Louis on Saturday to protest Brown’s death and other fatal police shootings in the St. Louis area and nationwide. Police reported no arrests or violent incidents as of late Saturday, when the protests fanned out to Ferguson.
But early Sunday morning, several protesters made their way to the south St. Louis neighborhood where another black 18-year-old was killed by a white police officer just days earlier. Protesters occupied a Quicktrip gas station convenience store and staged a sit-in, some sitting outside.
St. Louis Police Chief Sam Dotson posted on Twitter that protesters were “attempting to storm” the business. He later posted that protesters were “throwing rocks at the police” and “arrests have been made for continued illegal behavior.” It was not immediately known how many arrests were made or what charges those arrested could face.
Two months after Brown’s death sparked an initial wave of violent riots and led Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon to summon the National Guard, the highly organized weekend brought many newcomers to St. Louis.
The new arrivals included Vietnam-era peace activists, New York City seminarians, many college students and hundreds of fast-food workers bused in from Chicago, Nashville and other cities.
Outside Busch Stadium in downtown St. Louis, where the Cardinals lost to the San Francisco Giants in the first game of the National League Championship Series, several dozen protesters stood on the sidewalk Saturday night, chanting and holding signs. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported that fans headed to the game mainly went around the protesters without stopping to look, though a few cheered their efforts. Game 2 in the series is scheduled for Sunday night.
The planned events began Friday afternoon with a march outside the St. Louis County prosecutor’s office, where protesters renewed calls for prosecutor Bob McCulloch to charge Darren Wilson, a white Ferguson officer, in the Aug. 9 death of Brown, who was black. A grand jury is reviewing the case and the Justice Department has opened a civil rights investigation
Dotson said the city had enlisted extra officers and was prepared for trouble, though he hoped for the best. Earlier in the week, a small group of protesters verbally clashed outside the stadium with Cardinals fans who support the Ferguson officer. Dotson said the city also will bolster its police presence when the St. Louis Rams host the San Francisco 49ers Monday night
Organizers said beforehand that they expected as many as 6,000 to 10,000 participants for the weekend’s events. Police were not able to provide a crowd estimate Saturday.
Since Brown’s death, three other fatal police shootings of black males have occurred in the St. Louis area. The most recent involved an off-duty St. Louis officer who was working for a private neighborhood security patrol when he shot and killed 18-year-old Vonderrit D. Myers on Wednesday night.
The white officer, whose name hasn’t been released, fired 17 rounds after police say Myers opened fire. Myers’ parents say he was unarmed, and many speakers at the Saturday rally echoed those doubts.
17 arrested in St. Louis as sit-in against police brutality proclaimed ‘unlawful’
St. Louis police have arrested at least 17 people for an “unlawful assembly” as activists staged a spontaneous sit-in outside a convenience store following a mass march, part of a four-day “Ferguson October” public event to protest police brutality.
Early on Sunday morning between 100 and 200 people marched on a QT (QuikTrip) convenience store at Vandeventer and Chouteau. Protesters sat down, surrounding the convenience store.
They staged a brief a sit-in at around 1 am local time, which local police spokeswoman Schron Jackson has called an “unlawful assembly”.
But according to Police Chief Sam Dotson, protesters were “attempting to storm” the store and showed “illegal behavior”.
Sam Dotson then tweeted that protesters started “throwing rocks at the police” as they were asked to leave the area.
Police reportedly used tear gas and pepper spray to disperse the crowd.
“We were just sitting there. Police came closer and closer to us. Everybody was sitting down, linked-up, holding hands,” a female participant has told CBS.
READ MORE: ‘Terror on American soil’: #FergusonOctober stages 4-day rally as shooting anger rages
Mass events have been planned on October 10-13 – the “Weekend of Resistance” – after a second black man 18-year-old Vonderrick Myers Jr was shot dead by an off-duty white police officer, who reportedly fired at him up to 17 times.
On Saturday hundreds of protesters held a “Justice for All” march and rally in downtown St. Louis. The mother of Michael Brown, who was killed in the August 9 shooting, marched with a group of some 300 people on Ferguson police department.
St. Louis on Edge as Protests Over Shootings Spread
Clashes over the police shooting of an unarmed black teenager that were confined to a hardscrabble stretch of suburban Ferguson are enveloping the St. Louis area, much of which had watched events unfold safely on the television screen.
Protests over that killing and another last week have erupted at a performance of the 134-year-old symphony, at Busch Stadium where the Cardinals compete for the National League pennant and during four days of marches, speeches and even yoga that end today. As a grand jury considers charges against the white officer who killed Michael Brown in August, this weekend saw demonstrations from the iconic Gateway Arch to the south side and back to Ferguson, north of the Missouri city.
“Who’s paying for all this?” asked Bryan Davidson, who watched protesters file past his south-side house after a brick crashed through his neighbor’s window Oct. 9.
A new wave of protests erupted the previous night on the city’s south side after a white off-duty police officer fatally shot Vonderrit D. Myers Jr., a black 18-year-old who authorities said fired his gun at the policeman. The incident rekindled anger that erupted after Ferguson Officer Darren Wilson shot Brown on Aug. 9.
“We’re a wonderful city,” said John Riley, 59, standing inside World’s Fair Donuts, about a mile from where police clashed with protesters early yesterday morning. “We have a great diversity and we happen to be the place where long-simmering economic and social injustice is finding expression.”
“Once you unleash this kind of expression, where it goes is really not easily controlled.”
University Sit-In
More than a thousand protesters marched peacefully last night. They ended at the clock tower on the campus of St. Louis University early this morning where organizers said they planned to stay as part of a sit-in before more undisclosed acts of “civil disobedience” throughout the day. Less than 300 protesters remained on the tower’s plaza as of 2:45 a.m.
Earlier in the night, several hundred protesters walking quietly on a bridge sidewalk were halted by about 50 police in riot gear banging batons on the ground. After a short standoff, police abruptly eased back and allowed protesters to press forward where they met up with a separate group of demonstrators.
The University said in a Twitter posting that there had been no violence or incidents by the peaceful protesters, some of who remained on campus as of 3:30 a.m. Some students came to watch the protests, and others griped about the disturbance before the start of midterms.
Mirror Images
Events in metropolitan St. Louis are subject to sharply different interpretations, often decided by the race of the interpreter.
“Two people could look at footage or newspaper coverage of what’s happening between the Ferguson protesters and the police and they can see the same thing and interpret it very differently,” said Clarissa Rile Hayward, an associate professor of political science and urban studies at Washington University in St. Louis. “My fear is that the racial division and opinion going in are such that the exchanges aren’t moving toward closing that gap in perception.”
People who have shattered the windows of police cars and damaged businesses have prompted a backlash among some residents.
“The criminals, or whoever the protesters are, are using the young man Michael Brown’s death as an excuse to create more violence,” said Tim Yanko, who lives in St. Louis and works as a carpenter. “It bothers me that it looks so bad on the city.”
Civic Sanctums
The anger has pervaded institutions central to the city’s identity.
The first demonstration at an unexpected locale came Oct. 4 at a St. Louis Symphony concert at which the Brahms Requiem was to be performed. About two dozen people rose from their seats and sang “Justice for Mike Brown is justice for all. Which side are you on, friend? Which side are you on?”
An answer came two nights later outside Busch Stadium, where the Cardinals were playing the Los Angeles Dodgers. A video distributed on You Tube recorded some fans taunting a group of Ferguson protesters with the chant, “Let’s go, Darren.”
Overarching Demand
In this city of 318,000, blacks make up 50 percent of the population and whites 42 percent. Many blacks say the only thing that will bring peace is for Wilson to face charges.
“Lock Darren Wilson up, period,” Terran Abram, 43, who works as a janitor for the St. Louis University law school, said before a march downtown Oct. 11. “This is about not only Mike Brown. It’s about the youth in this city. Young men in this city who get harassed.”
The tension has parallels to 2001 disturbances in Cincinnati after police fatally shot Timothy Thomas, a 19-year old unarmed black man, in the city’s Over-the-Rhine district.
It was the latest in more than a dozen such incidents since the mid-1990s involving police and black men. Several days of rioting ensued in the black neighborhood, prompting then-mayor Charlie Luken to issue a curfew.
David Mann, the current vice mayor of Cincinnati, said the force of a federal judge brought about changes in the operation of the police department — slowly.
“It’s very tough because you’re dealing with patterns of behavior, you’re dealing with stereotypes that govern how we feel, from both directions,” said Mann, 75. “There were pockets of resistance.”
In St. Louis, one protester at the Oct. 11 downtown march said that the killings may catalyze a permanent rethinking of race relations.
“I don’t think the city will ever be the same, and that’s a good thing,” said Asher Kolieboi, while helping to hold a giant papier mache likeness of Brown with his hands up. “It’s changing the community inside and out.”
EBOLA EXPERT: VIRUS MAY SOON GO AIRBORNE
Ebola “can enter the lung from the airway side”
A doctor who has studied Ebola for more than a decade says the virus is about to go airborne.
“It can enter the lung from the airway side,” Dr. David Sanders of Purdue University told RTV 6 on Sunday. “So this argues that Ebola is primed to have respiratory transmission.”
Sanders said the longer the virus spreads and mutates, the more probable airborne transmission will become.
Note: Originally published in August, some aspects raised have been covered in previous articles.
I continue to suspect that the Ebola outbreak in western Africa be the result of U.S. military biowarfare research gone awry.
As I previously reported:
The epicentre of the current Ebola epidemic is the Kenema Government Hospital in Sierra Leone. BeforeItIsNews claims the hospital houses a US a biosecurity level 2 bioweapons research lab. That claim is unconfirmed, however, this we do know.
Analysis of clinical samples from suspected Lassa fever cases in Sierra Leone showed that about two-thirds of the patients had been exposed to other emerging diseases, and nearly nine percent tested positive for Ebola virus. The findings, published in this month’s edition of Emerging Infectious Diseases, demonstrates that Ebola virus has been circulating in the region since at least 2006—well before the current outbreak,reports Global BioDefense.
According to GBD, the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases has been operating in the area since 2006, supposedly working on “diagnostic tests.”
Author Randal J. Schoepp, PH. D. reports that because the USAMRIID team just happened to be working on disease identification and diagnostics in the area, they had pre-positioned assays in the region to address the ebola outbreak:We had people on hand who were already evaluating samples and volunteered to start testing right away when the current Ebola outbreak started.
The laboratory testing site in Kenema is supported by the Armed Forces Health Surveillance Center-Global Emerging Infections Surveillance and Response System. Other contributors to the work include the Department of Defense Joint Program Executive Office-Critical Reagents Program, the Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) Cooperative Biological Engagement Program, and the DTRA Joint Science and Technology Office.
Metabiota Inc., a non-government organization (NGO) is also involved in the testing. It lists among its partners, the Department of State, Biological Engagement Program and the Department of Defense, Defense Threat Reduction Agency. Advisors to the NGO include Admiral Gary Roughead, former US Chief of Naval Operations.
In an August 1 story, the Army Times informed:
Filoviruses like Ebola have been of interest to the Pentagon since the late 1970s, mainly because Ebola and its fellow viruses have high mortality rates — in the current outbreak, roughly 60 percent to 72 percent of those who have contracted the disease have died — and its stable nature in aerosol make it attractive as a potential biological weapon.
Since the late 1970s and early 1980s, researchers at the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases have sought to develop a vaccine or treatment for the disease.
Last year, USAMRIID scientists used a treatment, MB-003, on primates infected with Ebola after they became symptomatic; the treatment fully protected the animals when given one hour after exposure.
Two-thirds of infected primates were protected when treated 48 hours after exposure, according to a report published last August in Science Translational Medicine.
As I reported earlier, MB-003 appears to be part of the “secret serum” treatment being administered to the two Americans that are now in the U.S. and who contracted Ebola.
Friday in a television interview on Defense News with Vago Muradian, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Health Affairs Dr. Jonathan Woodson said, ”One of the things I don’t think many people realize is what a huge valuable asset the military health system is to this nation.”
“Not only are we a key enabler so that service members, men and women who … go in harm’s way will be taken care of, but we are a public health system, an education system, a research and development system,”
“The recent development with infectious disease issues in Africa — they are turning to the U.S. military to provide expertise.”
The Defense Department earlier this week issued a statement, which said:
A small group of military and civilian personnel assigned to the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases, or USAMRIID, is in Liberia as part of a larger U.S. interagency response to the world’s worst outbreak of the Ebola virus which continues to spread in West Africa, a Defense Department spokesman said today.
Army Col. Steve Warren told reporters that personnel assigned to USAMRIID have established diagnostic laboratories in Liberia and Sierra Leone, two of three countries where the outbreak has been spreading in recent months.
“We also evaluate and develop diagnostic instruments and technologies for use in forward field medical laboratories and with the Joint Biological Agent Identification and Detection System, called JBAIDS, the diagnostics platform used across the DoD,” the statement added.
It’s really not a big jump to suspect that the military has also been doing research on Ebola as a bioweapon. As the Army Times notes about Ebola, “its stable nature in aerosol make it attractive as a potential biological weapon.” What better place, via the eyes of the U.S. military, to be messing around with such research than Africa? The thinking might go: If there is a misstep with the virus, research blowbacks don’t happen around US civilian populations.
It appears that some locals in eastern eastern Sierra Leone may have just such suspicions.
Specifically, they appear to be very suspicious of the “help” US personnel want to provide Ebola victims. Some of this suspicion may be the result of a failure by the locals to appreciate the techniques of modern medicine, but some may also be the result of whispers and rumors from locals who may have been low level workers close to US military research before the outbreak blew up.
Mainstream US media is now claiming that rumors about the early lab work at the Kenema hospital, where US military research may have been going on, were being spread by a “mentally ill former nurse.”
According to Bloomberg, the nurse is now in custody. Bloomberg also said that the nurse charged that health workers were using Ebola as a ruse to kill people and collect body parts. Whatever the nurse was really saying, the locals are certainly not happy with the research and the hospital.
Residents of Kenema in eastern Sierra Leone threw stones at the hospital and a police station, reports Bloomberg.
There is no smoking gun here, but one can certainly draw dots around the facts that suggest the U.S. military was the bad actor in this Ebola breakout.
Food Supply in Central America Threatened by Drought
Added by Tabitha Farrar on October 6, 2014.
Food may be in short supply in Central America as a result of the worst drought seen in decades. Reports on Thursday last week indicated huge losses in terms of farming land and the death of cattle in the region. There is concern that many families will be left short of nutritional substance.
The low amount of rainfall is reportedly linked to the El Nino weather phenomenon, leading to the drought currently being experienced in some parts of Central America. Extended periods of dry weather and extreme heat have placed the region in the crisis that it now faces. According to a report by the Famine Early Warning Systems Network which is operated by the United States Agency for International Development, the level of humanitarian assistance required to overcome this issue will be the highest seen since that needed after Hurricane Mitch in 1998.
It has been predicted that the poorest households in this region will suffer most, and that they will experience a large reduction in the food which is available to them. Food security will diminish towards the beginning of 2015 and the crisis is set to worsen.
Corn and bean crops represent the majority of the agricultural losses at the present time. These foods are considered to be a stable part of the diet for people who are resident in the areas affected. The Food and Agriculture Organization and the United Nation’s World Food Program released a joint statement last week addressing the magnitude of the issue.
The two agencies drew attention to the impact that the prolonged heat wave is having on the region. Areas of El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Guatemala are particularly badly effected by the drought conditions. There is concern that unless the situation is addressed immediately, the food crisis could worsen in months to come.
Approximately 170,000 families have lost their entire crops in Guatemala alone. Two-thirds of the total crop yield in El Salvador has been lost also. 2,500 cattle have been killed by the conditions in Nicaragua and an estimated 600,000 people are in a state of malnutrition. The government is requesting assistance in order to feed around 100,000 families in the worst effected areas, international food agencies have been asked to step in and help.
According to the Institute of Territorial Studies in Nicaragua, this is the worst drought that has been recorded since 1976. In the last four months, the prices of what were once commonly consumed products like corn and beans have risen so drastically that many families can no longer afford them. These resources have quadrupled in price since May this year as a result of the loss of so much of the region’s crop.
Director of Caritas, a Roman Catholic not-for-profit organization in Nicaragua, Rev. Elias Barrera, says that in some parts of the country, people do not have enough water to drink themselves, let alone to use in order to grow crops with. Barrera is concerned that people are dying of hunger and that there is not enough food production or assistance.
In the areas of Honduras and Nicaragua, the price of red beans rose by 129 percent in the five months between January and June this year alone. El Nino is a weather phenomenon linked to climate fluctuations in other parts of the world and can last for over a year. The drought caused in Central America is currently severely threatening the food supply in the region.
Heavy Metals in Atmosphere, Autism, ADD & Illness, It’s All Connected (Video)
By N. Morgan
Many still doubt the Chemtrail and Geoengineering programs and the danger they pose to us and our environment. Many people have complained of varying symptoms, from Asthma, to Morgellons Disease. One has to begin to wonder what exactly these toxins are doing to our bodies. Are autism and other illnesses linked to heavy metals in the atmosphere being sprayed by chemtrails and climate and Geoengineering? In the video below, we hear from Dane Wigington who explores the theory of government chemical spraying effecting the environment and health of children and adults in this excerpt from the Buzzsaw interview.
Symptoms & conditions related to heavy metal toxicity
• Fibromyalgia, chronic fatigue and all autoimmune diseases
• Mood swings, depression, anxiety, schizophrenic-like behavior
• Neurotransmitter dysfunction
• Thyroid and adrenal dysfunction
• Inflammatory brain conditions, autism, Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s
• Chronic infections, bacterial, viral and Candida
• TMJ
• ADD, lower IQ and learning problems
• Anemia
• Food allergies and sensitivities
• Infertility and reproductive problems in both men and women
• Genital malformation
• Hypertension
• Cancer
• Brain fog, confusion, forgetfulness, memory loss, dementia
• Hair loss, premature graying hair
• Chronic muscle and tendon pain
• Kidney and liver disease
• Osteoporosis
• Dizziness
• Mineral and nutrient deficiencies
• Insomnia
• Digestive problems, IBS and gastrointestinal complaints
• Migraines, headaches, visual disturbances
• Respiratory, lung and heart problems
• Nervous system malfunctions: burning extremities, numbness, tingling
Metal toxicity is connected with all sorts of health problems and diseases that many people think are related to just getting older. These are also diseases many doctors suggest managing with drugs. Medical schools have failed to educate doctors of the dangers of heavy metal toxicity. If you ask your doctor to test for heavy metals because you feel a sense of deep heaviness, are tired, depressed or experience achy or chronic joint pain for no reason, all too often the request is dismissed and instead you’ll probably get a prescription for an antidepressant.
Heavy metals build up in the body over time and present no discernible symptoms in the early stages. The top three heavy metals most harmful to our health include arsenic, lead and mercury. In a Brown University study, researchers found nearly 23 percent of women aged 16-49 met or exceeded levels for all three environmental chemical pollutants — lead, mercury and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) — and 56 percent of the women exceeded the median for two or more of these three pollutants. All but 17.3 percent of the women were at or above the level for one or more of these toxic chemicals.
Source: Before It’s News
Date: Mon, Oct 13, 2014 at 8:26 AM
Subject: [Info EN] STOP TTIP, CETA and other destructive trade policies
STOP TTIP, CETA and other destructive trade policies
(Rome, 11th October) The delegation of La Via Campesina, gathered in Rome for the meeting of the Committee on World Food Security (CFS), reiterates its rejection of the ongoing negotiations of several free trade agreements such as the TTIP[1], TPP[2] and CETA[3]. We do this within the framework of the Global Day of Action against TTIP and in solidarity with the 16th October, the Global Day of Action for Food Sovereignty. The delegation is participating in the 41st session of the CFS where the 10th anniversary of the Right to Food Guidelines is being celebrated. For small-scale farmers there is no reason to celebrate however, as the implementation of the Guidelines has not advanced at all. Conversely, trade negotiations, contrary to the Right to Food, are advancing at a concerning pace.
The promotion of competition through the suppression of tariffs and standards is strengthening an agricultural and food system increasingly controlled by multinationals. The neoliberal trade paradigm is blind to social, environmental, and human rights standards and only benefits the profits and control of a few transnational corporations. The increased commodification of food does not respect or support the right to food.
The anti-democratic and secretive nature of the negotiations confirms the analysis that people will not benefit from these agreements.
They destroy the capacities of farmers to produce for local communities and of citizens to decide on the food they eat. They will not support the urgent shift we need to put a stop to climate change.
The LVC delegation in Rome is committed to pursuing policies supporting sustainable peasant agriculture. This is the only agricultural model capable of eradicating hunger in the world and therefore LVC urges the CFS to evaluate, monitor and subordinate the policy decisions taken by other international bodies. We urgently need to shift trade rules to a model in line with food sovereignty that promotes agroecology and agrarian reform.
LVC press contacts in Rome:
Annelies Schorpion (EN, ES, FR, NL): annelies.schorpion@viacampesina.org, +39 351155674
Ivan Mammana (EN, ES, FR, IT): cooperazione@aiab.it, +39 3341667401
[1] Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership negotiated between the US and EU
NBA vs. NFL
via Cousin Bruce
3 have done time for assault
It is the 535 members of the United States Congress
100s of Ukraine soldiers protest in front of presidential administration
About 200 soldiers have surrounded the building claiming they have served six months longer than their contracts stipulated.
Soldiers are chanting, “Demobilization!” and, “All for one and one for all.”
WATCH PROTEST LIVE
They have demanded that they either receive better pay or are allowed to return home. One of the soldiers has told TASS news agency that they were paid roughly $11 per month, adding that there has been no hike in wages since their contracts expired.
The National Guard was reestablished in March 2014. The first National Guard’s regular battalion was formally sworn in for service on April 6 following three weeks of training.
DETAILS TO FOLLOW
The Kiev Junta’s Military Debacle in East Ukraine
Following the publicized estimations that the true fatality rate of the junta’s army during the “anti terrorist operation” may have been in the region of 8,000 to 12,000, a number of important points can be made:
1. These figures are of course unverified. However they do not look unreasonable to me in light of Poroshenko’s admission that the Ukraine lost during the ATO something like 65% of its armoured vehicles. It seems the Ukrainian airforce has also been essentially annihilated. Certainly it has ceased to be a presence in recent weeks.
2. Assuming that the figures are true then the Ukraine has just been witness to a slaughter unprecedented in any European country since the end of the Second World War. It bears saying that the fighting only achieved full intensity following the fall of Slaviansk on 5th July 2014. The fighting around Slavyansk in May and June was of a lesser intensity. It is surely the case therefore that the bulk of the losses the Ukraine suffered were accounted for by the fighting that took place after Slavyansk fell on 5th July 2014. In other words it is likely that between 8,000 to 12,000 Ukrainian troops were killed in a period of around 2 months from 5th July 2014 until the announcement of the ceasefire on 5th September 2014. If so this would mean the Ukraine was losing during this period men at a rate of roughly 129 to 190 a day. Nothing comparable has happened in Europe since the German surrender on 9th May 1945.
3. Another way of looking at the scale of these losses would be to consider what proportion they make up of the Ukrainian force involved in the ATO. Most of the figures I have heard put the size of that force in the region of 60-80,000 men. If the estimate for dead of 8,000 to 12,000 is anywhere near the truth then between a tenth (10%) and a fifth (20%) of this force may now be dead. The reality would surely in fact be worse since it is a certainty that a disproportionate share of the dead would be front line combat soldiers who would account for only a part of the force involved in the ATO. A large proportion of the total of 60-80,000 men in the force involved in the ATO would be support and logistics troops who would be expected to come out more lightly. I once read that a loss rate of anything more than 5% in a combat action is more than a unit can be reasonably expected to bear and that anything above that figure would render the unit inoperable. If the figures of 8,000 to 12,000 are anywhere close to the truth then this figure of 5% has been exceeded in which case the Ukrainian army has ceased to exist as an effective force.
4. I would just also say that it is clear to me that the vast bulk of Ukrainian losses are made up of troops from the regular army. It was obvious to me during the fighting that the various right wing paramilitary units rarely fought in the front line but were used to terrorist people in the rear.
5. The question then is how did such a debacle happen? Even if the 8,000 to 12,000 loss figure is an exaggeration one still has to account for the loss of 65% of the Ukrainian military’s armoured vehicles. Claims that the Ukrainians had to fight the Russian regular army are clearly not true so an explanation for the debacle clearly does not lie there.
6. Firstly it needs to be said that we are not looking here at any lack of courage or determination on the part of the Ukrainian troops. This was not a collapse such as the one experienced by the Iraqi army fighting ISIS in which soldiers led by their officers simply turned tail and ran. Rather it is a case of an army that was bled to death over weeks of appalling attrition during the summer months. The fact that the casualties may be so high suggests no lack of discipline or courage on the part of the troops. On the contrary they suggest extraordinary discipline and courage on the part of troops sent into the meat grinder by their commanders in a way that to a Briton like me carries uncomfortable echoes of the Somme. Claims that were made back in February and March that the Ukrainian military had been so run down by Yanukovitch that it for all practical purposes had ceased to exist are on the evidence of what happened in July and August simply untrue. I strongly doubt by the way that soldiers from any west European country would today be able to go on fighting for so long if they were suffering losses on this sort of scale.
7. I think the explanation for this debacle is quite simply the disastrous leadership provided by the junta.Image: Parubiy (on the picture), Avakov & co given control of the army but they have no knowledge of war. Will they ever stand in front of military tribunal in the Hague?
8. It is clear that after the junta ceased power in February the Ukraine’s professional military leadership was no longer trusted. Instead operational control of the ATO seems to have been given to psychopathic amateurs like Parubiy, Yarosh, Avakov and Lyashko. Following the key Security Council meeting of 30th June 2014 that decided to resume the offensive, General Kovalov (“Koval”), the junta’s then defence minister, who was at least a professional soldier, either resigned or more probably was dismissed (supposedly he was transferred to a new post after which he seems to have disappeared). Probably he objected to the resumption of the offensive. With him gone control of the army passed to people like Parubiy, Avakov & co who have no knowledge of war. They were joined by Geletei, the new defence minister, who is a security official rather than a soldier. Having no understanding of war or knowledge of military command these people then spent the rest of the summer hurling the Ukrainian army to its destruction by repeatedly attacking NAF positions whilst indiscriminately shelling residential areas and getting their Nazi thugs to murder and terrorise civilians. To make matters even worse, as a further indication of their ignorance and arrogance, they chose to fight the war by the calendar, setting themselves an arbitrary deadline of Ukrainian Independence Day on 24th August 2014 to win it by.
9. By contrast the NAF at some point clearly acquired a proper professional military leadership with a proper staff and headquarters consisting apparently of retired staff officers from Moscow who set up headquarters in the eastern town of Krasnodon on the Russian border. We know very little about these people but Strelkov has indirectly admitted that one of the reasons for his dismissal was to make way for a more professional military leadership, that could not be provided by himself as he is not a trained soldier. This could refer to the people in Krasnodon. They for their part seem to have fought a classic Soviet style defensive battle, relying on cities like Donetsk and Lugansk to provide a barrier behind which an armoured reserve capable of taking offensive action was built up. A fair parallel (though obviously one fought on an immeasurably greater scale) might be the battle of Kursk.
That at least is my take on the disastrous course of the ATO. Of course it should never have been launched at all. That it was launched was criminal. So however on my reading was its conduct, both towards the civilians it so indiscriminately slaughtered, and towards the hapless Ukrainian soldiers it sent to the slaughter. Anyone who pretends to real Ukrainian patriotism ought at this time to be condemning not Putin and the Russians but those who to the accompaniment of inane cries of “Glory to Ukraine” are responsible for sending so many of the Ukraine’s sons to their deaths.
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The Hidden Government Group Linking JFK, Watergate, Iran-Contra and 9/11
First Published by WhoWhatWhy
Peter Dale Scott is considered the father of “Deep Politics”— the study of hidden permanent institutions and interests whose influence on the political realm transcends the elected, appointed and career officials who come and go.
A Professor of English at Berkeley and a former Canadian diplomat, he is the author of several critically acclaimed books on the pivotal events of our country’s recent past, including Deep Politics and the Death of JFK ; Drugs, Oil, and War: The United States in Afghanistan, Colombia, and Indochina (War and Peace Library); The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America and American War Machine: Deep Politics, the CIA Global Drug Connection, and the Road to Afghanistan (War and Peace Library). He is also a poet, whose long work, Coming to Jakarta: A Poem about Terror, was hailed as “the most important political poem to appear in the English language in a very long time,” by Robert Hass, Poet Laureate of the United States from 1995 to 1997.
Daniel Ellsberg said of his book Drugs, Oil and War, “It makes most academic and journalistic explanations of our past and current interventions read like government propaganda written for children.”
What follows is based on a recent Scott lecture entitled “The JFK Assassination and Other Deep Events”, and will be expanded on further in his next book, The American Deep State, due out in November.
***
For some time now, I have been analyzing American history in the light of what I have called structural deep events: events, like the JFK assassination, the Watergate break-in, Iran-Contra, or 9/11, which repeatedly involve law-breaking or violence, are mysterious to begin with, are embedded in ongoing covert processes, have political consequences that enlarge covert government, and are subsequently covered up by systematic falsifications in the mainstream media and internal government records.
The more I study these deep events, the more I see suggestive similarities between them, increasing the possibility that they are not unrelated external intrusions on American history, but parts of an endemic process, sharing to some degree or other a common source.
Image: Deep State Event—Deep View. New York City, 9/11. NASA Photo
For example, one factor linking Dallas, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and 9/11, has been the involvement in all four deep events of personnel involved in America’s highest-level emergency planning, known since the 1950s as Continuity of Government (COG) planning, or more colloquially inside the Pentagon as “the Doomsday Project.” A few of these actors may have been located at the top, as overseers of the secret COG system. Others – including some I shall talk about today – were located further down in its secret communications network.
I see this planning group as one among many in what I have chosen to call the American deep state, along with agencies like the CIA and NSA, the private groups like Booz Allen Hamilton to which more than half of the US intelligence budget is outsourced, and finally the powerful banks and corporations whose views are well represented in the CIA and NSA. But if only one group among many, the COG planning group is also special, because of its control of and access to a communications channel, not under government control, that can reach deeply into the US social structure. I discuss these matters at some length in my next book, The American Deep State, due out in November.
COG planning was originally authorized by Truman and Eisenhower as planning for a response to a crippling atomic attack that had decapitated government. In consequence its planning group contemplated extreme measures, including what Alfonso Chardy in 1987 called “suspension of the Constitution.” And yet in Iran-Contra its asset of a secret communications network, developed for the catastrophe of decapitation, was used instead to evade an official embargo on arms sales to Iran that dated back to 1979. My question today is whether the network could have been similarly misused in November 1963.
The Iran-contra misuse has been well-documented. Oliver North supervised the sale of arms to Iran by using his resources as the National Security Council action officer for COG planning, under cover of a “National Program Office” that was overseen by then Vice-President George H. W. Bush. North and his superiors could thus use the COG emergency network, known then as Flashboard, for the arms sales to Iran that had to be concealed from other parts of the Washington bureaucracy as well as the public. So when North had to send emergency instructions for arms delivery to the US Embassy in Lisbon, instructions that directly contravened the embargo prohibiting such sales, he used the Flashboard network to avoid alerting the Ambassador and other unwitting personnel.
The documented example of Iran-Contra allows me to explain what I am saying about the users of the COG network, and also what I am not saying. To begin with, I am not saying that a single “Secret Team” has for decades been using the COG network to manipulate the US Government from outside it. There is no evidence to suggest that North’s actions in Iran-Contra were known to any of his superiors other than CIA chief William Casey and probably George Bush. The point is that a very small group had access to a high-level secret network outside government review, in order to implement a program in opposition to government policy. They succumbed to the temptation to use this secure network that had been designed for other purposes. I have argued elsewhere that this secure network was used again on 9/11, to implement key orders for which the 9/11 Commission could find no records. Whether it was also used for illicit purposes is not known.
It is certain that the COG emergency network program survived North’s demise, and continued to be secretly developed for decades, at a cost of billions, and overseen by a team including Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld. It is relevant that the two men’s presence on the committee spanned three administrations – those of Reagan, Bush I, and Clinton — even though at one point under Clinton neither man held a position inside the U.S. government. Such continuity was essential for a group so secret that few records existed of its activities. And on 9/11 COG plans were officially implemented for the first time, by Vice President Cheney and Defense Secretary Rumsfeld, the two men who had planned them for so many years.
Whether or not they knew about Iran-Contra, Cheney and Rumsfeld were on the COG planning committee at the time of Iran-Contra. There is no such obvious link between COG planning and Watergate, but the involvement of COG personnel in Watergate is nonetheless striking. James McCord, one of the Watergate burglars, was a member of a small Air Force Reserve unit in Washington attached to the Office of Emergency Preparedness (OEP) that was assigned “to draw up lists of radicals and to develop contingency plans for censorship of the news media and U.S. mail in time of war.” His unit was part of the Wartime Information Security Program (WISP), which had responsibility for activating “contingency plans for imposing censorship on the press, the mails and all telecommunications (including government communications) [and] preventive detention of civilian ‘security risks,’ who would be placed in military ‘camps.’” In addition, John Dean, perhaps the central Watergate figure, had overseen secret COG activities when serving as the associate deputy attorney general.
In the case of the JFK assassination, I wish to focus on two men who functioned as part of the communications network of the Office of Emergency Planning (OEP), the agency renamed in 1968 as the Office of Emergency Preparedness (to which McCord was attached), and renamed again in 1982 as the National Program Office (for which Oliver North was the action officer).
These two men (there are others) are Winston Lawson, the Secret Service advance man who from the lead car of the motorcade was in charge of the Secret Service radio channels operating in the motorcade; and Jack Crichton, the army intelligence reserve officer who with Deputy Dallas Police Chief George Lumpkin selected the Russian interpreter for Marina Oswald’s first (and falsified) FBI interview.
Lawson has drawn the critical attention of JFK researchers, both for dubious actions he took before and during the assassination, and also for false statements he made after it (some of them under oath). For example, Lawson reported after the assassination that motorcycles were deployed on “the right and left flanks of the President’s car” (17 WH 605). On the morning of November 22, however, the orders had been changed (3 WH 244), so that the motorcycles rode instead, as Lawson himself testified to the Warren Commission, “just back of the President’s car” (4 WH 338; cf. 21 WH 768-70). Captain Lawrence of the Dallas Police testified that that the proposed side escorts were redeployed to the rear on Lawson’s own instructions (7 WH 580-81; cf. 18 WH 809, 21 WH 571). This would appear to have left the President more vulnerable to a possible crossfire.
Early on November 22, at Love Field, Lawson installed, in what would become the lead car, the base radio whose frequencies were used by all Secret Service agents on the motorcade. This radio channel, operated by the White House Communications Agency (WHCA), was used for some key decisions before and after the assassination, yet its records, unlike those of the Dallas Police Department (DPD) Channels One and Two, were never made available to the Warren Commission, or any subsequent investigation. The tape was not withheld because it was irrelevant; on the contrary, it contained very significant information.
The WHCA actually reports to this day on its website that the agency was “a key player in documenting the assassination of President Kennedy.” However it is not clear for whom this documentation was conducted, or why it was not made available to the Warren Commission, the House Select Committee on Assassinations, or the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB). It should have been.
For one thing, the WHCA tape, as Vincent Palamara has written, contains the “key” to the unresolved mystery of who, after the shooting, redirected the motorcade to Parkland hospital. The significance of this apparently straightforward command, about which there was much conflicting testimony, is heightened when we read repeated orders on the Dallas Police radio transcript to “cut all traffic for the ambulance going to Parkland code 3” (17 WH 395) – the ambulance in question having nothing to do with the president (whose shooting had not yet been announced on the DPD radio). In fact the ambulance had been dispatched about ten minutes before the assassination to pick someone from in front of the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD), who was wrongly suspected of having suffered an epileptic seizure.
Lawson later reported to the Secret Service that he heard on his radio “that we should proceed to the nearest hospital.” He wrote also that he “requested Chief Curry to have the hospital contacted,” and then that “Our Lead Car assisted the motorcycles in escorting the President’s vehicle to Parkland Hospital” (17 WH 632), cf. 21 WH 580). In other words, after hearing something on the WHCA radio, Lawson helped ensure that the President’s limousine would follow the route already set up by the motorcycles for the epileptic. (In his very detailed Warren Commission testimony, Lawson said nothing about the route having already been cleared. On the contrary he testified that “we had to do some stopping of cars and holding our hands out the windows and blowing the sirens and horns to get through” (4 WH 354).
The WHCA radio channel used by Lawson and others communicated almost directly to the WHCA base at Mount Weather in Virginia, the base facility of the COG network. From there, Secret Service communications were relayed to the White House, via the
batteries of communications equipment connecting Mount Weather with the White House and “Raven Rock” — the underground Pentagon sixty miles north of Washington — as well as with almost every US military unit stationed around the globe.
Jack Crichton, head of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit of Dallas, was also part of this Mount Weather COG network. This was in his capacity as chief of intelligence for Dallas Civil Defense, which worked out of an underground Emergency Operating Center. As Russ Baker reports, “Because it was intended for ‘continuity of government’ operations during an attack, [the Center] was fully equipped with communications equipment.” In retrospect the Civil Defense Program is remembered derisively, for having advised schoolchildren, in the event of an atomic attack, to hide their heads under their desks.But in 1963 civil defense was one of the urgent responsibilities assigned to the Office of Emergency Planning, which is why Crichton, as much as Secret Service agent Lawson, could be in direct touch with the OEP’s emergency communications network at Mount Weather.
Jack Crichton is of interest because he, along with DPD Deputy Chief George Lumpkin of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit, was responsible for choosing a Russian interpreter for Marina Oswald from the right-wing Russian community. This man was Ilya Mamantov, who translated for Marina Oswald at her first DPD interview on November 22. What she allegedly said in Russian at this interview was later used to bolster what I have called the “phase one” story, still promoted from some CIA sources, that Russia and/or Cuba were behind the assassination.
As summarized by the FBI, Mamantov’s account of Marina’s Russian testimony was as follows:
MARINA OSWALD advised that LEE HARVEY OSWALD owned a rifle which he used in Russia about two years ago. She observed what she presumed to be the same rifle in a blanket in the garage at [Ruth Paine’s residence]…. MARINA OSWALD stated that on November 22, she had been shown a rifle in the Dallas Police Department…. She stated that it was a dark color like the one that she had seen, but she did not recall the sight.
These specific details – that Marina said she had seen a rifle that was dark and scopeless – were confirmed in an affidavit (signed by Marina and Mamantov, 24 WH 219) that was taken by DPD officer B.L. Senkel (24 WH 249). They were confirmed again by Ruth Paine, who witnessed the Mamantov interview, (3 WH 82). They were confirmed again the next night in an interview of Marina by the Secret Service, translated by Mamantov’s close friend Peter Gregory. But a Secret Service transcript of the interview reveals that the source of these details was Gregory, not Marina:
(Q) This gun, was it a rifle or a pistol or just what kind of a gun? Can she answer that?
(A) It was a gun
Mr. Gregory asked: Can you describe it?
NOTE: Subject said: I cannot describe it because a rifle to me like all rifles.
Gregory translation: She said she cannot describe it. It was sort of a dark rifle just like any other common rifle…
Subject in Russian: It was a hump (or elevation) but I never saw through the scope….
Gregory translation: She says there was an elevation on the rifle but there was no scope – no telescope.
We have to conclude not just that Gregory had falsified Marina’s testimony (“a rifle to me like all rifles”); but so probably had his friend Mamantov, who later testified no less than seven times to the Warren Commission that Marina had used the word “dark” to describe the gun. There were others in Dallas who claimed that Oswald’s gun indeed had been scopeless, until Oswald had a scope installed on it by Dallas gunsmith Dial Ryder. The Warren Report elaborately refuted this corroborated claim, and concluded that “the authenticity of the repair tag” used to support it was “subject to grave doubts.” (WR 317).
We can see here, what the Warren Commission did not wish to see, signs of a conspiracy to misrepresent Marina’s testimony, and possibly to link Oswald’s gun to a dark and scopeless rifle he had in the Soviet Union. Our concerns that Mamantov misrepresented her lead us to concerns about why two Army Intelligence Reserve officers from the 488th unit (Jack Crichton and Deputy DPD Chief George Lumpkin) selected Mamantov as her interpreter. Our concerns are increased when we see that B.L. Senkel, the DPD officer who took Marina’s suspect affidavit, was the partner of F.P. Turner, who collected the dubious rifle repair tag (24 WH 328), and that both men spent most of November 22 with DPD Deputy Chief Lumpkin. For example, they were with Lumpkin in the pilot car of the motorcade when Lumpkin was communicating with Winston Lawson in the lead car behind them.
I conclude that when we look at the conduct of the two men we know to have been parts of the COG emergency communications network in Dallas, we see patterns of sinister behavior that also involved others, or what we may call conspiratorial behavior. These concatenated efforts to implicate Oswald in a phase-one conspiracy narrative lead me to propose a hypothesis for which I have neither evidence nor an alternative explanation: namely, that someone on the WHCA network may have been the source for the important unexplained description on the Dallas Police tapes of a suspect who had exactly the false height and weight (5 feet 10 inches, 165 pounds) recorded for Oswald in his FBI and CIA files.
Note that there are no other known sources ascribing this specific height and weight to Oswald. For example, when he was arrested and charged in Dallas that same day, Oswald was recorded as having a height of 5’9 ½ inches, and a weight of 131 pounds. The first reference to Oswald as 5’10”, 165 pounds, was that offered by Oswald’s mother Marguerite to FBI Agent Fain in May 1960, when Oswald himself was absent in Russia.
The DPD officer contributing the description on the Police Channel was Inspector Herbert Sawyer, who allegedly had heard it from someone outside the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) whom he could not identify or describe. The Warren Report said categorically that his source was Howard Brennan (WR 5), and that on the evening of November 22, Brennan “identified Oswald as the person in the lineup who bore the closest resemblance to the man in the window but he said that he was unable to make a positive identification” (WR 145). But there are many reasons to doubt this, starting with conflicts in Brennan’s own testimony (as Anthony Summers reported in Conspiracy, pp. 109-10) . And Ian Griggs has made a strong case that Brennan never saw Oswald in a line-up that evening. (There are police records placing Oswald in three line-ups that day, and corroborating witness reports of them; but there is no evidence whatever that Brennan attended any of the three.)
There is another strong reason to doubt that the source was Brennan. Brennan testified later to the Warren Commission that he saw his suspect in a window of the Texas School Book Depository, “standing up and leaning against the left window sill.” Pressed to describe how much of the suspect he saw, Brennan answered, “I could see probably his whole body, from his hips up. But at the time that he was firing the gun, a possibility from his belt up” (3 WH 144).
The awkwardness of Brennan’s language draws attention to the fundamental problem about the description. It is hard to imagine anyone giving a full height and weight estimate from seeing someone who was only partially visible in a window. So there are intrinsic grounds for believing the description must have come from another source. And when we see that the same description is found in Oswald’s FBI and CIA files — and nowhere else – there are reasons to suspect the source was from government secret files.
We have seen that there was interaction in Dallas between the WHCA and DPD radio channels, thanks to the WHCA portable radio that Lawson had installed in the lead car of the presidential motorcade. This radio in turn was in contact by police radio with the pilot car ahead of it, carrying Dallas Police Department (DPD) Deputy Chief Lumpkin of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit. At the same time, as noted above, it was in contact with the COG nerve center at Mount Weather, Virginia. And Mount Weather had the requisite secret communications to receive information from classified intelligence files, without other parts of the government being alerted.
Image: Mount Weather COG Nerve Center
Permit me at this moment an instructive digression. It is by now well established that Kennedy in 1963 was concerned enough by “the threat of far-right treason” that he urgently persuaded Hollywood director John Frankenheimer “to turn [the novel]Seven Days in May into a movie.” In this book, to quote Wikipedia, a charismatic superior officer, Air Force General James Mattoon Scott, intend[s] to stage a coup d’état …. According to the plan, an undisclosed Army combat unit known as ECOMCON (Emergency COMmunications CONtrol) will seize control of the country’s telephone, radio, and television networks, while the conspiracy directs the military and its allies in Congress and the media from “Mount Thunder” (a continuity of government base based on Mount Weather).
It is no secret also that in 1963 Kennedy had aroused major right-wing dissatisfaction, largely because of signs of his increasing rapprochement with the Soviet Union. The plot of the book and movie reflects the concern of liberals at the time about generals like General Edwin Walker, who had resigned in 1961 after Kennedy criticized his political activities in the Army. (Walker had given his troops John Birch Society literature, along with the names of right-wing candidates to vote for.) We can assume however that Kennedy had no firm evidence of a Mount Weather conspiracy: if he had, it is unlikely his response would have just been to sponsor a fictionalized movie.
It is important at this stage to point out that, although COG elements like Mount Weather were considered part of the Pentagon, the COG “government in waiting” was at no time under military control. On the contrary, President Eisenhower had ensured that it was broadly based at the top, so its planners included some of the nation’s top corporate leaders, like Frank Stanton of CBS. By all accounts of COG leadership in the decades after Reagan took office in 1981, this so-called “shadow government” still included CEOs of private corporations, like Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney, as well as three former CIA directors: Richard Helms, James Schlesinger, and George Bush.
Alfonso Chardy wrote in 1987 that the “virtual parallel government” empowering North to run Iran-Contra had also developed “a secret contingency plan that called for suspension of the Constitution, turning control of the United States over to FEMA.” Subsequently North was questioned in the Iran-Contra Hearings about this charge, but was prevented by the Committee Chairman, Democratic Senator Inouye, from answering in a public session.
Later, investigating the powerful COG planning group, CNN called it “a hidden government [in the USA] about which you know nothing.” James Mann emphasized its hawkish continuity, unaffected by changes of presidency in the White House:
Cheney and Rumsfeld were, in a sense, a part of the permanent, though hidden, national security apparatus of the United States, inhabitants of a world in which Presidents come and go, but America always keeps on fighting.”
Image: Cheney and Rumsfeld in 1974
Going one step further, Andrew Cockburn quoted a Pentagon source to support a claim that a COG planning group under Clinton was now for the first time staffed “almost exclusively with Republican hawks.” In the words of his source, “You could say this was a secret government-in-waiting. The Clinton administration was extraordinarily inattentive, [they had] no idea what was going on.”
The Pentagon official’s description of COG planners as a “secret government-in-waiting” under Clinton (which still included both Cheney and Rumsfeld) is very close to the standard definition of a cabal, as a group of persons secretly united to bring about a change or overthrow of government. A very similar situation existed under Jimmy Carter, when some of those who would later figure in Iran-Contra (notably George H.W. Bush and Theodore Shackley) worked with chiefs of foreign intelligence services (the so-called Safari Club) “to start working with [former DCI Richard] Helms [then U.S. Ambassador to Iran] and his most trusted operatives outside of Congressional and even Agency purview.” This group began by backing guerrilla forces in Africa (notably UNITA of Jonas Savimbi in Angola), which they knew would not be backed by the CIA under William Colby or Stansfield Turner.
But some of these figures, notably Alexandre de Marenches of the French spy agency SDECE, became involved with Casey, Bush, Shackley, and others in a 1980 plot – the so-called Republican “October Surprise” – to prevent the reelection of Jimmy Carter. The essence of this plot was to frustrate Carter’s efforts to repatriate the hostages seized in the U.S. Tehran Embassy, by negotiating a Republican deal with the Iranians that would be more to their liking. (The hostages in fact were returned hours after Reagan took office in 1981.)
This Republican hostage plot in 1980 deserves to be counted as a fifth structural deep event in recent US history. Unquestionably the illicit contacts with Iran established by the October Surprise Group in 1980 became, as Alfonso Chardy wrote, the “genesis” of the Iran-Contra arms deals overseen by the COG/ Mount Weather planners in 1984-86.
In an important interview with journalist Robert Parry, the veteran CIA officer Miles Copeland claimed that a “CIA within the CIA” inspired the 1980 plot, having concluded by 1980 that Jimmy Carter (in Copeland’s words) “had to be removed from the presidency for the good of the country.” Copeland made it clear to Parry that he shared this view that Carter “represented a grave threat to the nation,” and former Mossad agent Ari Ben-Menashe told Parry that Copeland himself was in fact “the conceptual father” of the 1980 arms-for-hostages deal, and had “brokered [the] Republican cooperation with Israel.” And Copeland, together with his client Adnan Khashoggi whom he advised, went on with Shackley to help launch the 1984-85 Iranian arms deals as well.
However, just as Knebel in Seven Days may have overestimated the military component in the COG Mount Weather
Image: Peter Dale Scott, Russ Baker, David Talbot, Daniel Ellsberg, Jefferson Morley at a recent lunch
leadership, so Copeland may have dwelt too exclusively on the CIA component behind the October Surprise Group. In The Road to 9/11, I suggested that this CIA network overlapped with a so-called “Project Alpha,” working at the time for David Rockefeller and the Chase Manhattan Bank on Iran issues, which was chaired by the veteran establishment figure John J. McCloy.
I will conclude by again quoting James Mann’s dictum that the Mount Weather COG leadership constitutes a “permanent, though hidden, national security apparatus of the United States, … a world in which Presidents come and go, but America always keeps on fighting.” And I would like this audience to investigate whether elements of this enduring leadership, with its ever-changing mix of CIA veterans and civilian leaders, may have constituted “a secret government-in-waiting,” not just under Clinton in the 1990s, not just under Carter in 1980, but also under Kennedy in November 1963.
Notes:
[1] Peter Dale Scott, The American Deep State: Wall Street, Big Oil, and the Attack on U.S. Democracy(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2014 [forthcoming]). 1.
[2] For a partial list of anomalies between the JFK assassination and 9/11, see Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War (New York: Skyhorse, 2013), 341-96.
[3] Tim Shorrock, Spies for Hire (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008), 6.
[4] Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami Herald, July 5, 1987,http://bellaciao.org/en/article.php3?id_article=9877: “Some of President Reagan’s top advisers have operated a virtual parallel government outside the traditional Cabinet departments and agencies almost from the day Reagan took office, congressional investigators and administration officials have concluded.”
[5] Iran-Contra Committee Counsel Arthur Liman, questioning Oliver North, “had North repeat his testimony that the diversion was Casey’s idea” (Arthur Liman, Lawyer: a life of counsel and controversy [New York: Public Affairs, 1998], 341).
[6] James Bamford, A Pretext for War: 9/11, Iraq, and the abuse of America’s intelligence agencies (New York: Doubleday, 2004), 72.
[7] Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 213-14, 219-29.
[8] Bamford, A Pretext for War, 71-81.
[9] Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, All the President’s Men (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974), 23.
[10] Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda (New York: Random House, 1984), 16. For more on WISP, see David Wise,The Politics of Lying: Government Deception, Secrecy, and Power (New York: Random House, 1973), 134-37.
[11] John Dean, Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush (New York: Little Brown, 2004), 120. In addition Howard Baker, in 1973 the ranking Republican member of the Senate Committee that investigated Watergate, was later part of the COG secret leadership (CNN Special Assignment, November 17, 1991).
[12] James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush’s War Cabinet (New York: Viking, 2004), 142.
[13] Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. 9, p.106 (or 9 WH 106) ; Scott, Deep Politics, 275-76; Russ Baker,Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, the Powerful Forces That Put It in the White House, and What Their Influence Means for America (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2009), 119-22.
[14] “White House Communications Agency,” Signal Corps Regimental History,http://signal150.army.mil/white_house_communications_agency.html.
[15] In the 1990s the WHCA supplied statements to the ARRB concerning communications between Dallas and Washington on November 22 (NARA #172-10001-10002 to NARA #172-10000-10008). The Assassination Records Review Board also attempted to obtain from the WHCA the unedited original tapes of conversations from Air Force One on the return trip from Dallas, November 22, 1963. (Edited and condensed versions of these tapes had been available since the 1970s from the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library in Austin, Texas.) The attempt was unsuccessful: “The Review Board’s repeated written and oral inquiries of the White House Communications Agency did not bear fruit. The WHCA could not produce any records that illuminated the provenance of the edited tapes.” See Assassinations Records Review Board: Final Report, chapter 6, Part 1, 116, http://www.archives.gov/research/jfk/review-board/report/chapter-06-part1.pdf.
[16] 17 WH 394-95, 23 WH 841; 17 WH 368, 395; Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 273-74, 278. The alleged epileptic walked away from the ambulance after it arrived at Highland (Warren Commission Document 1245, 6-10).
[17] Statement of Special Agent Winston E. Lawson [to Secret Service],” 17 WH 632; Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 278.
[18] Richard Pollock, “The Mysterious Mountain,” The Progressive, March, 1976; cf. “Mount Weather’s ‘Government-in-Waiting,’” http://www.serendipity.li/jsmill/mt_weather.htm.
[19] Russ Baker, Family of Secrets, 121.
[20] Dee Garrison , Bracing for Armageddon: Why Civil Defense Never Worked
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 46.
[21] Warren Commission Exhibit 1778, 23 WH 383-84.
[22] Commission Document 344 – SS Howard Tape Copy of 01 Dec 1963, p. 23.
[23] Lee Harvey Oswald fingerprint card, 17 WH 308. The heaviest Oswald actually weighed was 150 pounds, when he left the Marines in 1959 (19 WH 584, 595).
[24] FBI report by Special Agent Fain, dated May 12, 1960, 17 WH 706. In the same report Marguerite named Oswald’s father as “Edward Lee Oswald.” His actual name was Robert Edward Lee Oswald (WR 669-70).
[25] Testimony of Inspector Herbert Sawyer, 6 WH 321-22: “I remember that he was a white man and that he wasn’t young and he wasn’t old.” Cf. Dallas Police Channel Two Tape at 12:25 PM (23 WH 916).
[26] Ian Griggs, “Did Howard Leslie Brennan Really Attend an Identification Lineup?”
http://spot.acorn.net/jfkplace/09/fp.back_issues/28th_Issue/id_draft.html.
[27] Statement of Secret Service Winston Lawson, 17 WH 630: “I checked with Chief Curry as to location of Lead Car [at Love Field] and had WHCA portable radio put in and checked.”
[28] “The lead car was in radio contact with the pilot car by police radio, and with the Presidential limousine by Secret Service portable radios” (Pamela McElwain-Brown, “The Presidential Lincoln Continental SS-100-X,” Dealey Plaza Echo, Volume 3, Issue 2, 23, http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=16241&relPageId=27). Cf. Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 272-75 (Lumpkin).
[29] David Talbot, Brothers: the hidden history of the Kennedy years (New York: Free Press, 2007), 148.
[30] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seven_Days_in_May.
[31] Jonathan M. Schoenwald, A time for choosing: the rise of modern American conservatism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), .
[32] Hope Yen, “Eisenhower Letters Reveal Doomsday Plan: Citizens Tapped to Take Over in Case of Attack,” AP, Deseret News, March 21, 2004, http://www.deseretnews.com/article/595050502/Eisenhower-letters-reveal-doomsday-plan.html?pg=all.
[33] CNN Special Assignment, November 17, 1991.
[34] Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami Herald, July 5, 1987,http://bellaciao.org/en/article.php3?id_article=9877: “Some of President Reagan’s top advisers have operated a virtual parallel government outside the traditional Cabinet departments and agencies almost from the day Reagan took office, congressional investigators and administration officials have concluded.”
[35] Iran-Contra Committee Counsel Arthur Liman, questioning Oliver North, “had North repeat his testimony that the diversion was Casey’s idea” (Arthur Liman, Lawyer: a life of counsel and controversy [New York: Public Affairs, 1998], 341). Cf. The “October Surprise” allegations and the circumstances surrounding the release of the American hostages held in Iran: report of the Special Counsel to Senator Terry Sanford and Senator James M. Jeffords of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Volume 4, p. 33 (October Surprise Group).
[36] CNN Special Assignment, November 17, 1991.
[37] James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans, 145.
[38] Andrew Cockburn, Rumsfeld: His Rise, Fall, and Catastrophic Legacy (New York: Scribner, 2007), 88.
[39] Joseph J. Trento, Prelude to terror: the rogue CIA and the legacy of America’s private intelligence network(New York: Carroll & Graf, 2005), 61.
[40] Piero Gleijeses, Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria and the struggle for Southern Africa, 1976-1991 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, [2013]), 66-68; Elaine Windrich, “The Laboratory of Hate: The Role of Clandestine Radio in the Angolan War,” International Journal of Cultural Studies 3(2), 2000.
[41] Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami Herald, July 5, 1987,http://bellaciao.org/en/article.php3?id_article=9877: “The group, led by campaign foreign policy adviser Richard Allen, was founded out of concern Carter might pull off an “October surprise” such as a last-minute deal for the release of the hostages before the Nov. 4 election. One of the group’s first acts was a meeting with a man claiming to represent Iran who offered to release the hostages to Reagan.
Allen — Reagan’s first national security adviser— and another campaign aide, Laurence Silberman, told The Herald in April of the meeting. they said McFarlane, then a Senate Armed Services Committee aide, arranged and attended it. McFarlane later became Reagan’s national security adviser and played a key role in the Iran-contra affair. Allen and Silberman said they rejected the offer to release the hostages to Reagan.” [The Iranian was Houshang Lavi, and after Lavi’s death Robert Parry confirmed from Lavi’s diary that the meeting did take place].
[42] Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami Herald, July 5, 1987,http://bellaciao.org/en/article.php3?id_article=9877.
[43] “America’s False History Allows the Powerful to Commit Crimes Without Consequence,” Mark Karlin Interview of Robert Parry, January 15, 2013, Truthout Interview, http://www.truth-out.org/progressivepicks/item/13904-americas-false-history-allows-the-powerful-to-commit-crimes-without-consequence.
[44] Robert Parry, Trick or Treason, 175.
[45] Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 81-83, 88. A key figure was CIA veteran and Copeland friend Archibald Roosevelt, in 1980 a Carter foe and also employee of the Chase Manhattan Bank.
[46] Mann, Rise of the Vulcans, 145.
Date: Sat, Oct 11, 2014 at 5:09 PM
Subject: Satellite sees hot spot of methane in US Southwest
Hi Keith,
Surprising methane release in Southwest USSA:
http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/U/US_SCI_METHANE_HOT_SPOT?SITE=AP&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT&CTIME=2014-10-09-18-45-44
They say it is due to coal mining.
Maybe.
But there is also coal mining in other regions of North America, without the huge methane release seen on the New Mexico-Colorado border.
best regards,
Richard Sauder
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